home *** CD-ROM | disk | FTP | other *** search
- <text id=90TT3278>
- <title>
- Dec. 10, 1990: Germany:A Once Unthinkable First
- </title>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990 Highlights
- The Reunification of Germany
- </history>
- <history>
- TIME--The Weekly Newsmagazine--1990
- Dec. 10, 1990 What War Would Be Like
- </history>
- <article>
- <source>Time Magazine</source>
- <hdr>
- WORLD, Page 50
- GERMANY
- To the Victors Belong the Bills
- </hdr><body>
- <p>Integrating the long-divided land will cost the new Bonn
- government $220 billion over the next four years
- </p>
- <p>By DANIEL BENJAMIN/BRANDENBURG
- </p>
- <p> The election was to be the stirring climax to 13 months of
- breathtaking change. As the first all-German ballot since 1932,
- when Adolf Hitler and his National Socialist Party won a
- plurality, Sunday's vote was portrayed as the ultimate moment
- of a historical closure. A little more than a year after the
- fall of the Berlin Wall and two months after unification, the
- polling for a new Bundestag would be a celebration of democracy
- and the end to years of division.
- </p>
- <p> Although the voting surely was such a milestone, it appeared
- that Germans felt they had had, at least for a while, enough
- of history on a grand scale. Christian Democratic Chancellor
- Helmut Kohl, 60, and his coalition partners took a 19-point
- lead into the election, seemingly assuring them of victory over
- Social Democrat Oskar Lafontaine. The anticipated margin was
- large enough to leave Christian Democrats fretting that it
- might be eroded by a low voter turnout. Said a civil servant
- in the Rhineland: "It's certainly no Schicksalswahl [election
- of destiny]."
- </p>
- <p> A year ago, before revolution toppled the Communists in what
- used to be the German Democratic Republic, so matter-of-fact
- an assessment would have been unthinkable. Lafontaine, the
- charismatic Saarland state premier, looked like a strong
- challenger to Kohl, who was less respected and less popular
- than his party. Lafontaine, 47, appealed to younger voters as
- a maverick who ranged wide of the Social Democratic
- establishment and party orthodoxy. A pacifist, keen on
- environmental issues and allergic to any invocation of
- nationalist sentiment, he was touted as the "posthistorical
- politician." In his campaign, Lafontaine even shunned using the
- black, red and gold colors of the flag.
- </p>
- <p> Then he got waylaid by history. After the Wall came down,
- he advocated a go-slow policy on unification. And when the
- unity drive picked up steam, he attacked Kohl's claim that it
- could be financed without straining national resources and
- raising taxes. What Lafontaine underestimated was the depth of
- feeling on both sides of the old Iron Curtain in favor of
- merging the two Germanys -- and with that his strategy
- backfired. His effectiveness as a campaigner was also
- undermined by near tragedy: in April a deranged woman plunged
- a knife into his neck, just missing the carotid artery. The
- assassination attempt forced Lafontaine into a two-month
- convalescence; he abandoned shaking hands and signing
- autographs and gave his campaign speeches surrounded by a
- phalanx of bodyguards.
- </p>
- <p> All the while, the Chancellor's popularity rose with the
- deft handling of the complex negotiations that brought about
- merger in October. Unity, said the liberal weekly Die Zeit,
- "rescued him." It also obscured all other issues. The theme of
- unification, says Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, head of the
- Allensbach polling institute, "was completely constant from the
- onset of the campaign, dominating it to the exclusion of any
- other everyday issue." The juggernaut rolled over Lafontaine.
- </p>
- <p> The problems ahead will test all the skills of the new
- government in Bonn. The most pressing task is to determine how
- to pay for unification. Current projections call for an
- expenditure of roughly $55 billion annually for the next four
- years for building infrastructure and providing social support
- in the eastern part of the country. In the months leading up
- to the election, Kohl resisted a tax hike, preferring instead
- to rely on spending cuts, the sale of public assets in western
- and eastern Germany, and large-scale borrowing. Few expect
- that the government will be able to follow this tack much
- longer; loading too great a burden on taxpayers, however, risks
- feeding internal west-east resentments that could add to the
- already heavy burden of national integration.
- </p>
- <p> To those living in eastern Germany, no amount of assistance
- and investment will be large enough or delivered fast enough.
- The number of unemployed in the region, estimated at half a
- million, threatens to expand further as enterprises come to the
- end of the interim period during which they had to keep
- underemployed workers on their payrolls. Some economists warn
- that half of the 8.5 million workers in the East could lose
- their jobs. Patience in the East is wearing thin: violence,
- including some directed against the small number of foreigners
- in the area, has been growing sharply.
- </p>
- <p> More troubling, trust is scarce. "Everyone has the fear that
- things will get worse because a lot of undemocratic decisions
- are being made," complained a 72-year-old pensioner in
- Brandenburg, about 37 miles west of Berlin, last week. Many
- eastern Germans feel they have no control over their future.
- "The Round Table," said the pensioner, referring to the group
- of citizen-representatives that briefly shared power with the
- last Communist government in East Berlin, "was democracy for
- me." Many easterners are upset too at having to lower their
- expectations of the changes they thought unification would
- bring. Said Verena Bernau, an unemployed mother of two: "Kohl
- made a lot of promises, but in practice there are no results."
- </p>
- <p> In the days before the voting, easterners were griping as
- well about a kind of democracy fatigue. Sunday was the fourth
- time they were going to the polls since March, when East
- Germany elected its first post-Communist parliament. In
- Brandenburg some said they were tired of campaigns and
- elections; others that they felt their votes, amid millions of
- ballots, counted for nothing. In an open-air market run by
- unemployed workers, one woman, retaining the old reluctance to
- give her name, dismissed any worry about absenteeism. Casting
- an eye backward in time, she said, "Of course they'll vote.
- It's a secret ballot."
- </p>
-
- </body></article>
- </text>
-
-